UAE-ASEAN Relations: Beyond “Emirates’ Diplomacy”?

May 18, 2017/in ASEAN Notes/by aseansc

In the past several years, there is an increasing tendency among the countries of the Gulf to direct their foreign policies towards the growing economies of Asia. Despite relatively unreported, the UAE’s relationship with ASEAN exemplifies this trend. This article attempts to highlight the UAE-AEAN relations and what could be offered to improve this relations in this future

The formal diplomatic relations between the UAE and the ASEAN member countries began during the 1970s, although this took place in midst of the prevailing geopolitical constraints of the Cold War and mainly be guided by the GCC’s patterns of political ties with the region. Even though there have been long-standing diplomatic representatives between several countries of ASEAN such as the Philippines and Malaysia, most of the expansion in the diplomatic networks occurred throughout the 1990s and 2000s.

This was complemented by the growing high-level exchanges resulted from the increasing economic partnership and institutional frameworks noticeable by the signing of a number of important agreements including the Avoidance of Double Taxation with Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Vietnam, as well as various MoUs on tourism, investments, agriculture, aviation, and others.

Although remains limited, the ASEAN-UAE relations have increasingly gone beyond state-to-state engagement and include direct organisational relations with the ASEAN body. The most important indication is that the latter has established an ASEAN Committee in Abu Dhabi since 2011, while the former has an accredited envoy to ASEAN since 2013. The ties have also been strengthened by active engagements of the two sides in other multilateral theatres such as the Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC) and the Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD).

The political relations between ASEAN and Abu Dhabi have been maintained not only through institutional bodies, but also by the UAE’s involvement in political issues in the ASEAN region. For example, the Emirati government has a record of supporting the Philippines’ negotiation efforts with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) since the 1990s and has promoted Manila’s entry to the OIC as an observer. Reportedly, the UAE has also been holding joint military exercises with Malaysia and pursuing defense partnership with Indonesia.

UAE-ASEAN Economic Relations

The primary dynamic to determine the nature of the present ASEAN-UAE relations appears to be the salience of economic issues, which have come to dominate the bilateral agenda and dictate the terms of cooperation between ASEAN and the UAE to a great extent. Energy is the most defining component of this economic engagement. The UAE, for instance, is a major oil supplier for Thailand, around 33 percent of the country’s total imports. Meanwhile, Singapore’s ample trade with the Emirates, stood at $27.2 billion, is mainly comprised of oil imports. A number of Emirati energy firms such as Dubai Drydocks and the Emirates National Oil Company have made their way to ASEAN, constructing and developing refineries, as well as involving in joint exploration ventures across the region. There was also plan for cooperation on renewable energy.

Non-energy trade and investments have grown considerably in the past years. This is driven not only because of the changing economic interdependencies resulted from the growth of the ASEAN and the UAE’s economic standing as the second largest economy of the Middle East, but also caused by a number of political occurrences in the regional and global contexts such as the September 11 attacks and the “War on Terror” policy that followed has enabled the pursuance of “East Look” shift in the UAE’s foreign policy. Dubai’s fortification as an international trading and re-shipping hub connecting different regional countries is also a crucial factor. Presently, the UAE is one of most important trading partners for ASEAN countries and investments have increased considerably. This is also indicated by different companies such as the Dubai International Capital, Thuraya Satellite Communication Co., and the First Gulf Bank that have expanded to the region.

This, however, is not one way. The UAE has attracted considerable interests from firms and investors from ASEAN. Government policies and institutional frameworks such as the Malaysian International Chamber of Commerce partnering with the Abu Dhabi – Singapore Business Forum and the Malaysian Business Council with the Abu Dhabi Corporation for Specialised Economic Zones have contributed to this growth. The most prominent economic presence from ASEAN in the UAE seems to be Singapore, with over 300 of its companies involve in different sectors such as banking, electronics, real estate, energy, and utilities. It is reported that Indonesia and Vietnam also have considerable investments in the Emirates, a reality that could be credited to their hefty diaspora in the UAE.

“Emirates”, Tourism, and Diplomacy

Undeniably, the UAE-ASEAN relations have expanded beyond economic realms. It is of note that the Emirates has increasingly emerged as an attractive destination for ASEAN tourists. On the other hand, people from the UAE have also made their way to ASEAN, mainly for medical and tourism purposes. These growing exchanges, which also comprised of business people, academics, and professionals, have been facilitated by the UAE’s major air carrier services, Emirates Airline and Etihad Airways, that now run weekly seats from and to ASEAN with frequent daily trips to major regional destinations such as Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, and Vietnam.

Complementary links between the UAE and ASEAN continue through other channels. As with many of its partners, the Emiratis have been utilising aid and assistance to foster a relationship with the ASEAN bloc. In 2013, for example, the UAE offered direct assistance through the Red Crescent Society following major typhoons that hit some parts of the Philippines. These, however, were not the first time for the UAE to demonstrate its generosity. Several Emirati charity organisations and institutions, such as the Sheikh Zayed Foundation, the Khalifa bin Zayed Al-Nahyan humanitarian and charity network, as well as the UAE’s General Authority of Islamic Affairs and Endowments frequently help running a number of Arabic and Islamic programs in schools, mosques, and centers in Malaysia and the Philippines.

Future Outlook

As for the Emirates, the ASEAN, with around 625 million populations, is very enticing energy and consumer markets for Emirati exports and a hub to expand to the wider Asia. While its neighbors in the UAE continue to face instability and turmoil, the UAE is likely to continue upheld its ‘Look East’ policy and shifting towards ASEAN would be a reasonable move.

There is a possibility that the UAE-ASEAN relationship might contribute to the further multilateral ties between ASEAN and the GCC as regional bodies. In the past several years, the inter-regional relationship between the two regions have been primarily dominated by bilateral connections among regional member countries. The subject of inter-regionalism in the context of ASEAN has been mainly concentrated on ASEAN-EU ties. As the two regional entities’ member countries are increasingly pursuing bilateral relations, both GCC and ASEAN must realise the need to strengthen their approaches in multilateral theatre.

Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is a Ph.D Candidate at the University of Manchester. His research focuses on China/ASEAN-Middle East Relations

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RELIGION: BOON OR BANE FOR DEMOCRACY?December 20, 2023 - 12:32 am

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RELIGION: BOON OR BANE FOR DEMOCRACY?December 20, 2023 - 12:32 am
In December 2022, the Indonesian government passed a law that penalizes sex outside marriage. This is only one of the many changes in the criminal code that observers warn of the increasing conservatism in the country.

Indonesia houses the largest Muslim population in the world and is also a republic whose democratic experiences and milestones have been widely studied by scholars within and beyond the region. This makes Indonesia a compelling case for reflection on the nexus and tensions between religion and democracy. Is religion compatible with democracy? What opportunities and challenges does the “Islamic Renaissance” entail in the country? Democracy on Religion

Liberal democracy espouses secularism, the separation of church and state, and freedom of religion. In an “ideal” democratic system, the state must not endorse nor support any specific religion while guaranteeing the free exercise of religion among citizens. This is essential in a democracy for many reasons. Religious freedom is a crucial civil right that enhances citizens’ individuality and relations with others. It stops one religion from dominating society, hence promoting diversity and co-existence. At the same time, it prevents policies from being framed according to religious beliefs, which may result in discrimination and repression of fundamental human rights.

Religion and its Tensions with Democracy: The Case of Indonesia

This is particularly important for Indonesia. While the country is predominantly Muslim, Indonesia also has many ethnolinguistic groups with different cultures and practices. It is a challenge in itself to build one nation with an immensely heterogeneous society. The diversity in the country resulted in years of ethnic conflict and violence. Even a religious minority, the Ahmadiyya, faces intimidation and oppression in the exercise of their faith. Indonesia’s dilemma points to the longstanding debate in human rights discourse and practice – are human rights universal, or are they relative to culture and local customs? While I am more inclined to support the former, it is important to be aware and carefully consider the context of a country when designing human rights advocacy and interventions.

However imperfect, the democratization process in Indonesia has assisted in facilitating efforts for reconciliation and balancing competing interests in the country. Recently, the President stunned the world when he acknowledged past grave human rights abuses in the country, including an anti-communist purge in the ’60s and the arrest of democracy activists during the Suharto presidency.

Indonesia sits in between secularism and theocracy. The country’s fundamental law espouses Pancasila, which is the foundational political theory of Indonesia. Through its five principles, Indonesian society believes in one God and aspires to create a just and civilized humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice for all. This tells us that, by principle, Indonesia gives importance to pluralism and citizenship. Scholars and practitioners of the law also adopt legal pluralism and believe that different legal systems are complementary rather than contradictory. For example, community practices and customs are considered along with national and local regulations in settling disputes and conflicts at the village level.

However, in recent years, Indonesia has seen the expanding role of Islam in the country’s social and political life. Aside from Islam being a “source of ethical and cultural guidance”, many Islamic organizations have secured formal power, which allows them to easily introduce measures within the state apparatus that cement their own interests. Hardliner Islamic groups have also proliferated, and fundamentalist thought and practices are becoming more and more widespread. Islamic identity politics have also been evident since Widodo coalesced with conservative Islamic factions and appointed Amin, an influential Islamic figure, as his vice president. The new penal code tends to be more religious than secular. This has implications for Indonesia’s supposed secularism and diversity. How can the Indonesian government best represent the interests and aspirations of all?

As Indonesia continues to modernize and extend its economic and political ascendancy in the region, rapid changes in its social relations and dynamics are also expected. This demands a more careful look at the kind of laws and “social controls” that the government enforces. Suppose conservative forces are forwarding laws in the name of protecting tradition and keeping Indonesian values in check. In that case, it should not be at the expense of fundamental civil and political liberties, nor should it be to repress vulnerable groups even further, such as women, LGBT+, and ethnic communities. Admittedly, this is easier said than done. Hence, political representation must reflect the diversity and vibrance of Indonesian society. If only one group dominates political and policy discourse, it ultimately jeopardizes the general will.

When religion becomes the yardstick for crafting rules and policies, it creates biases, whether intended or not. Propositions that are credible and necessary but “contradictory” to a certain religion may be rejected simply because they do not fit the personal convictions of decision-makers. Integrating religion into politics usually leads to oppressive and harmful policymaking. Religion is also a form of heuristics or cognitive shortcut that devalues deliberation and discussion. Instead of scrutinizing issues, people may resort to using their religion as the sole basis for their position on a particular matter. Democracies ought to be deliberative and pluralistic.

Human rights activists and organizations in Indonesia have sounded the alarm on many changes in the criminal code that could stifle individual freedoms and lead to setbacks in the country’s democratic progress. Aside from banning sex outside marriage, the government also reinstated laws that criminalize insulting the President and other state officials and institutions. They also increased the punishment for blasphemy. These laws can be disproportionately used against individuals and groups with legitimate criticisms and concerns about the government. It may also render already marginalized communities even more vulnerable. Religion, Populism, and Repression

This trend is not only unique to Indonesia. Much of the world has seen the rise of “nationalist” movements, often within the pretext of religion and safeguarding culture. India’s Modi has exhibited Hindu nationalist tendencies, which have meant greater intolerance against the Muslim minority in the country. Myanmar’s Tatmadaw has weaponized Buddhism to rally support from the public and account for its atrocities.

The use of religion to justify repressive and oppressive regimes is apparent. Religion is an effective tool to unify a group of people and subject them to a specific set of beliefs and values, which may be highly prejudiced and absurd. Religion acts as a moral compass that defines what is right and what is wrong. Because religion is subjective, it can easily be manipulated to serve political objectives. Populists and autocrats can bastardize religion to create a public enemy, instill an “us vs them” mentality, and sow further polarization.

Failed democracies thrive out of fear, whether it is real or manufactured. Religion can be a potent force to ingrain this fear. This hysteria against change and modernization is easy to whip up when people already have preexisting beliefs. It is not too difficult to segregate people and label them as the “other”. When this distinction is entrenched, it is convenient to normalize discrimination and violence.

It is said that Indonesia is a model for “Moderate Islam” when compared to the Middle East; the “Indonesian way” can complement Western values and democracy. It also has the potential to correct Islamophobia and promote Islam as a religion of peace. On the other hand, if Indonesia cannot find its balance and condone fundamentalist and hardliner Islamic groups to flourish, Indonesia will certainly regress in its hard-won democratic gains.

Religion has inherent contradictions with democracy. Subscribing to a religion and structuring a supposedly diverse society using its tenets is monopolistic and can bring about intolerance. It is paramount for democracies to ensure that civil, political, and socioeconomic rights are not deprived based on religion and other forms of cleavages. The access and exercise of power should be as widely distributed as possible. Public office should not be limited to certain political clans or religious organizations. For instance, at the village level, cultural and socioeconomic elites must share power and administration with vulnerable and historically marginalized groups. There are more reasons and illustrative cases, present and past, to posit that religion is more of a bane than a boon to democracy. At the moment in world history when (dis)information is fast and instant, we must maintain vigilance in dealing with autocratic agendas in the guise of “respecting” values and tradition. It is easier to believe and conform than to reflect and deliberate. But democracy dies when we rely on shortcuts to define what is good for us. Democracy dies, slowly and deliberately, when we allow a few to sabotage our freedoms and liberties to increase their own. Demagogues and despots are usually cunning and do things “in the name of God”.

REFERENCES

Evans, M. S. (2014). Religion and political decision making. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 53(1), 145–163. http://doi:10.1111/jssr.12088

Evans, T. (2012). Separation of Mosque and State in Indonesia. Policy, 27(4), 35–39.

Głodek, A., & Grzywacz, A. (2020). Indonesia – between religion and democracy, Warsaw: Boym Institute. Retrieved from https://instytutboyma.org/en/indonesia-between-religion-and-democracy

Jaffrey, S. (2020). Is Indonesia Becoming a Two-Tier Democracy?, Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Jamaluddin, M., Chen, H. & Watson, A. (2022). Indonesia bans sex outside marriage as parliament passes sweeping new criminal code, Jakarta: CNN.

Klinken, G. v. (2019). Living in a Sacred Cosmos: Indonesia and the Future of Islam. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 175(1), 81–135. http://doi:10.1111/jssr.12088

McWilliams, E. (2018). Democracy in Indonesia: A Progress Report, Washington D.C.: The Foreign Service Journal.

Nagda, A. (2020). The Diplomat. [Online] Available at: https://thediplomat.com/2020/03/the-islamization-of-indonesias-foreign-policy/

Omelicheva, M. & Ahmed, R. (2018). Religion and politics: examining the impact of faith on political participation. Religion, State, and Society, 46(1), 4–25.

The World Factbook. (2023). Indonesia, s.l.: Central Intelligence Agency.

Wieringa, S. E. (2006). Islamization in Indonesia: Women Activists’ Discourses. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 32 (1), 40–27.

Short Biography:

Kay Conales is a student of the Asia Pacific-Master of Arts in Human Rights and Democratization of the Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP) of Mahidol University (Thailand). She also studied in the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIPOL) of APMA’s partner-university Universitas Gadjah Mada (Indonesia). She can be reached through e-mail at ksconales@gmail.com.

UAE-ASEAN Relations: Beyond “Emirates’ Diplomacy”?

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