Entries by aseansc

Forgotten: ASEAN’s Vision on Disaster Management

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It was merely three months ago when Indonesians headed to the polls to elect their municipal leaders in the 2024 local elections. As many as 207 million eligible voters were expected to vote in 37 provinces, 415 regencies and 93 cities (Yuniarto, 2024). Yet, millions of voters were barred from exercising their democratic right due to an unanticipated disaster. In the province of North Sumatra, hundreds of polling stations in certain areas were flooded and, consequently, unable to operate. As a result, the Indonesian Election Commission had to schedule revotes in 110 polling stations across North Sumatra (Nefi, 2024). In September 2024, the Indonesian Agency for Meteorological, Climatological and Geophysics (BMKG) issued a warning that earthquakes from two megathrust zones, namely the Sunda Strait Megathrust and the Mentawai-Siberut Megathrust are imminent (Dewi, 2024). The Head of the Agency, Daryono, stated that these two zones have not experienced earthquakes for more than two centuries and the buildup of stress between the plates will inevitably lead to a great earthquake. These two situations provoke an alarming question to Southeast Asian countries – in this case, governments: what is the plan?

History of ASEAN Disaster Management Strategy

Although the disasters have ended or have yet to come, the issue remains alive and kicking. Southeast Asia is known to be one of the most disaster-prone regions in the world, with 40% of its population having experienced a natural hazard in the past five years (Vigers, 2024). Last year, on December 26, 2024, marked the 20th anniversary of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, which devastated thousands of communities in Indonesia and Thailand. Ever since this tragedy, Southeast Asian nations have made significant progress to improve disaster management systems, such as establishing responsive governance, allocating disaster risk and contingency funds, and strengthening regional collaboration (Agbisit, 2024). The third point is particularly critical as the transboundary nature of disasters requires an enduring collaboration between states. ASEAN, as the only regional organization in Southeast Asia, is key to achieving a staunch and effective disaster management strategy.

There is no denying that ASEAN has achieved substantial advancements in terms of disaster management. After the 2004 tsunami, member states signed the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER) and installed the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre). These measures laid the foundation for the organization’s disaster management coordination and schemes (Djalante & Ponto, 2024). They have also prompted the community to kickstart other programs to better prepare for future natural hazards, such as establishing the ASEAN Emergency Response and Assessment Team (ASEAN-ERAT) and Disaster Emergency Logistics System for ASEAN (DELSA). All of these measures are executed with the purpose of achieving the ASEAN Vision 2025 on Disaster Management.

The Successes and Drawbacks

ASEAN has been applauded by the international community for its accomplishments in learning the lessons of 2004. For instance, the 2023 World Risk Poll reported that 67% of Southeast Asian adults believe they could protect themselves and their families from a future disaster. Furthermore, Caballero-Anthony et. al. (2023) argued that ASEAN has proven to be instrumental in supporting member states’ disaster relief and humanitarian operations, especially during the 2008 Nargis Cyclone and the 2018 Central Sulawesi earthquakes. ASEAN’s preparedness in disaster management has arguably surpassed that of North America. In fact, it is logical to believe that these triumphs may have propelled ASEAN onto the pinnacle of world leadership in disaster diplomacy.

While ASEAN may currently be hit by a “tsunami” of appraisals, one must not overlook the drawbacks that follow. Recently, it has become more obvious that ASEAN is regressing in its efforts to achieve disaster management targets. Firstly, according to the Asia-Pacific Disaster Report 2022, ASEAN is falling short across nearly all indicators in terms of reaching the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction targets. Secondly, although ASEAN has adopted numerous frameworks to tackle the underlying issues, national governments seem to lack the leadership to implement them, even occasionally diverge from them (Caballero-Anthony, et. al., 2023). This challenge is further exacerbated by ASEAN’s non-intervention principle, which hinders any criticisms towards the actions of its member states (Arumbinang, 2022). Thirdly, despite efforts to develop a quick-response system for disasters, ASEAN still lacks the sense of urgency to react to such life-threatening situations. Khotimah & Putra (2019) highlight the worrying implications of ASEAN’s treatment towards post-natural disaster situations as an opportunity to improve quality of life rather than a threat to security and peace. These circumstances put ASEAN’s approaches and institutional structures into question. The author stresses that those liabilities must be of concern to ASEAN policymakers as failure to mitigate them could possibly destroy ASEAN’s global reputation in disaster management.

A Forgotten Issue and What Should Be Done About It?

As the deadline for accomplishing the targets of ASEAN Vision 2025 is approaching, one must observe the subsequent steps that should be taken. On October 11, 2024, Malaysia, as the 2025 ASEAN Chairman, unveiled the theme of ASEAN Chairmanship 2025, “Inclusivity and Sustainability” (MFA Malaysia, 2024). At first glance, one might think the discussion on further actions to complement the 2023 ASEAN Leaders’ Declaration on Sustainable Resilience – a declaration on disaster management and environment – will be included. However, topics on disaster management have been discovered to be unprioritized and overshadowed by other crises, such as the South China Sea dispute and the Myanmar Civil War. In addition, a Second Donald Trump Presidency has caused several concerns about future trade relations and the prospect of another US-China trade war.

ASEAN would have to brace itself for a challenging ride this year. As much as it is critical to resolve unsettled issues, it is also vital not to disregard the responsibility to maintain initial successes, specifically in disaster diplomacy. The author believes that there are two ways to address this matter. Firstly, Malaysia has to set a precedent for succeeding ASEAN chairmen to prioritize disaster management as an annual priority to boost development on this issue. Secondly, instead of continuing the path of consensus-driven diplomacy, ASEAN must show clarity and utilize a more assertive approach in terms of realigning member states’ disaster management policies with ASEAN’s framework in order to cement unity on this issue.

The never-ending threats of disaster have continually put Southeast Asian people in danger. The recent floods in Indonesia and the megathrust earthquake warning should be a wake-up call for ASEAN not to view human lives lightly. That is why reinvigorating ASEAN’s disaster management blueprint is fundamental to solidifying ASEAN as not just a sidekick but a leader in disaster diplomacy.

 

References

Agbisit, J. B. (2024, October 8). 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami: A Turning Point in Disaster Resilience. The ASEAN Magazine. https://theaseanmagazine.asean.org/article/2004-indian-ocean-tsunami-a-turning-point-in-disaster-resilience/

AKCF. (n.d.). ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre). ASEAN Korea Cooperation Fund. https://www.aseanrokfund.com/our-partners/asean-coordinating-centre-for-humanitarian-assistance-on-disaster-management-aha-centre

Arumbinang, M. H. (2022). Problems and Dilemmas: ASEAN Commitments in Disaster Management. Indonesian Comparative Law Review, 4(1), 17–25. https://doi.org/10.18196/iclr.v4i1.13219

Caballero-Anthony, M., Cook, A. D. B., & Lassa, J. (2023, March 2). Disaster Management in Southeast Asia: 20 Years of Progress and Challenges. S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. https://www.rsis.edu.sg/rsis-publication/nts/disaster-management-in-southeast-asia-20-years-of-progress-and-challenges/?doing_wp_cron=1677830612.6909389495849609375000#.ZAG5_HZBzIW

Dewi, I. R. (2024, December 30). BMKG Sebut Gempa Megathrust RI Hanya Tunggu Waktu, Ini Zona Merahnya. CNBC Indonesia. https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/tech/20241230110310-37-599471/bmkg-sebut-gempa-megathrust-ri-hanya-tunggu-waktu-ini-zona-merahnya

Djalante, R. & Ponto, J. (2024, October 8). ASEAN’s Strengthened Disaster Preparedness and Response Framework. The ASEAN Magazine. https://theaseanmagazine.asean.org/article/aseans-strengthened-disaster-preparedness-and-response-framework/

Ing, L. Y. & Vadilla, Y. (2024). How A Second Trump Presidency Will Impact ASEAN Economy. Jakarta Globe. https://jakartaglobe.id/opinion/how-a-second-trump-presidency-will-impact-asean-economy

Khotimah, N. H. & Putra, K. I. (2019, October 10). A Resilient ASEAN?: ASEAN and Resilience in Natural Disaster. ASEAN Studies Center Universitas Gadjah Mada. https://asc.fisipol.ugm.ac.id/2019/10/10/a-resilient-asean-asean-and-resilience-in-natural-disaster/

MFA Malaysia. (2024). LAUNCHING CEREMONY OF THE LOGO AND THEME OF ASEAN-MALAYSIA CHAIRMANSHIP 2025. Ministry of Foreign Affairs Malaysia. https://www.kln.gov.my/web/guest/-/launching-ceremony-of-the-logo-and-theme-of-asean-malaysia-chairmanship-2025-22-october-2024

‌Natalia, T. (2024, September 21). Gempa Megathrust Tinggal Tunggu Waktu, Ini 13 Wilayah Paling Rawan! CNBC Indonesia. https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/research/20240921144456-128-573543/gempa-megathrust-tinggal-tunggu-waktu-ini-13-wilayah-paling-rawan

Nefi, A. (2024, November 28). Banjir Saat Pilkada, 110 TPS di Sumut akan Gelar Pemungutan Suara Susulan. Tempo. https://www.tempo.co/politik/banjir-saat-pilkada-110-tps-di-sumut-akan-gelar-pemungutan-suara-susulan-1174211

Ramzi, M. H. (2024, October 25). Why 2025 Is a Make or Break Year for ASEAN Unity. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2024/10/why-2025-is-a-make-or-break-year-for-asean-unity/

Tan, A. & Louis, Y. M. (2024, October 16). Malaysia’s ASEAN chairmanship is a catalyst, not a panacea. Lowy Institute. https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/malaysia-s-asean-chairmanship-catalyst-not-panacea

Vigers, B. (2024, August 15). Southeast Asia Feels Prepared for Disasters. Gallup. https://news.gallup.com/poll/648242/southeast-asia-feels-prepared-disasters.aspx

‌Yuniarto, T. (2024, August 29). Pilkada Serentak 2024: Jumlah Pemilih Potensial, Anggaran, dan Tahapan. Kompaspedia. https://kompaspedia.kompas.id/baca/paparan-topik/pilkada-serentak-2024-alur-data-dan-tren-sosial-politik

 

Short Biography:

Daniel Emmanuel Situmeang is an undergraduate student at the Department of International Relations at Universitas Gadjah Mada. He can be reached through e-mail at danielemmanuelsitumeang@mail.ugm.ac.id.

The Getaway Car Presidency: Prabowo, Power, and the Road to Nowhere

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Drivin’ the getaway car

We were flyin’, but we’d never get far

Taylor Swift’s Getaway Car is a song about high-speed betrayals, thrilling escapes, and the eventual realization that running from one mess often leads to another. It’s a song of choices that feels exhilarating at first—until you realize the road leads to nowhere. If there’s a song that best describes the socio-political condition of Indonesia under Prabowo Subianto’s presidency, this might be it.

Since taking office, Prabowo’s government has moved swiftly, reshaping policies, consolidating power, and making bold budgetary decisions. A unique paradox marks his leadership: while Indonesia witnesses growing civil society protests against military influence in governance, education budget cuts, and creeping authoritarianism, there remains a silent majority that supports his administration. Much like the song’s protagonist, who realizes too late that they were part of a doomed ride, Indonesia finds itself on a high-speed political journey with no clear exit strategy.

This paradox stems from diverging perceptions of stability and progress. On one hand, student groups, academics, and activists are raising alarms over increasing state control and the erosion of democratic freedoms. The return of military figures to civilian positions is seen as a step backward, echoing the days before Reformasi, when the military wielded extensive political and economic power. Education cuts have fueled anger among the youth, who see them as a sign of misplaced priorities. Meanwhile, concerns over media restrictions and the suppression of dissent paint a picture of creeping authoritarianism.

On the other hand, Prabowo’s supporters—primarily from rural communities, the working class, and nationalist circles—view his leadership as a necessary counterbalance to instability. To them, military governance represents discipline, order, and strength. Programs like free school meals, ambitious infrastructure projects, and nationalist rhetoric reinforce the image of a strong and protective leader. The silent majority, therefore, remains largely content, believing that protests are exaggerated or instigated by elites who fail to understand the realities of common citizens.

However, as history has shown, such dynamics rarely remain static. Public patience can wane as economic pressures mount, and once-loyal supporters can become disillusioned when promises fail to materialize. The question remains: Will this silent majority continue to ride along, or will they eventually recognize that they, too, are passengers in a political getaway car heading toward an uncertain destination?

 

The illusion of a promising start

It was the best of times, the worst of crimes

I struck a match and blew your mind

But I didn’t mean it, and you didn’t see it

In the song, Swift describes a relationship that begins with a thrilling, rebellious escape—only for things to spiral out of control. Prabowo’s presidency mirrors this, starting with high public enthusiasm. He promised stability, security, and economic transformation, particularly in defense and infrastructure.

His high hopes, particularly with his promises of economic transformation, national security, and military professionalism, offer a promising future for Indonesia. But with these promises came drastic moves. His administration has aggressively expanded the role of the military in civilian governance, reminiscent of Indonesia’s Suharto-era “dual function” (Dwifungsi) doctrine. The passing of a law allowing active military officers to take civilian posts marks a fundamental shift away from the democratic reforms of Reformasi, Indonesia’s post-1998 transition to democracy. Critics argue that this undermines civilian oversight and could open the door to unchecked military influence. Much like the song’s theme—where the excitement of an escape fades into inevitable disillusionment—the government’s bold moves (e.g., militarization of civilian roles, budget reallocations) may initially seem strategic but risk long-term consequences.

 

When the civil society hits the brakes…

We were jet-set, Bonnie and Clyde

Until I switched to the other side, to the other side

It’s no surprise I turned you in

‘Cause us traitors never win

Indonesia’s streets have not been quiet. Large-scale protests—most notably the “Dark Indonesia” movement led by students and educators—have erupted in response to Prabowo’s sweeping budget reallocations. With education and public works taking a hit to fund other priorities, including military spending and nationalistic programs, young Indonesians have voiced strong opposition, with much of the protest activity shifting to digital platforms such as social media (mostly Instagram and X) and online petitions. This trend reflects both the increasing restrictions on physical demonstrations and the changing nature of activism in a digitally connected era. While digital protests allow for wider participation and international awareness, their effectiveness is debated.

The silent majority, on the other hand, often less engaged in online discourse, may remain indifferent or even skeptical, viewing these protests as disconnected from their immediate concerns. The government’s response? A mix of crackdowns and attempts to discredit activists, reminiscent of past authoritarian tactics. In Papua, activists continue to be arrested for challenging military actions, while press freedom faces subtle yet significant restrictions. Civil society movements have raised concerns that the space for democratic expression is shrinking. The more the government tightens its grip, the more resistance builds.

 

The “silent majority”

And a circus ain’t a love story, and now we’re both sorry

Yet, despite the vocal opposition, Prabowo still enjoys broad support, particularly from rural communities, working-class citizens, and nationalist groups who see him as a stabilizing force. His appeal is rooted in a blend of strongman leadership, military discipline, and populist economic programs such as free school meals. Additionally, state-controlled media and nationalist rhetoric have played a significant role in shaping public perception, reinforcing his image as a protector of Indonesian sovereignty and progress. Many in this silent majority remain skeptical of digital protests, viewing them as disconnected from their daily struggles and driven by urban elites. Particularly among working-class Indonesians and rural communities. This is the “silent majority” who see his leadership as a promise of stability in an increasingly uncertain world. Much like the song’s protagonist, who is swept up in the thrill of the escape, many of Prabowo’s supporters believe they are on the right path—until reality catches up.

Populist policies like free school meals resonate deeply with this demographic. The government has skillfully framed its actions as necessary for national progress, and state-controlled narratives help reinforce this belief. But as inflation rises, budget cuts affect essential services, and democratic spaces shrink, will the silent majority start feeling like they’ve been taken for a ride?

 

No way out

I knew it from the first Old Fashioned, we were cursed

We never had a shotgun shot in the dark

Indonesia’s governance under Prabowo faces a potential turning point: Will it continue down a path of securitization and centralized power, or will opposition forces grow strong enough to change course? The song’s theme of inevitable downfall mirrors the uncertainty of how sustainable Prabowo’s approach will be in the long run. History suggests that unchecked control, especially when met with rising discontent, rarely ends smoothly. While the administration appears to be in control, the pushback from civil society and increasing economic pressures may eventually force a reckoning. Just like the song’s characters, who think they are free but are actually heading toward their downfall, the government’s trajectory might lead to a moment where the realities of governance catch up, forcing either reform or crisis.

Just as Getaway Car ends with betrayal and abandonment, the long-term trajectory of Prabowo’s governance remains uncertain. Will Indonesia continue down this road, or will the silent majority eventually slam the brakes?

One thing is certain: The ride is far from over. And in politics, as in Swift’s lyrics, high-speed escapes often lead straight into another trap.

 

 

Short Biography:

Tunggul Wicaksono is a Research Manager at ASEAN Studies Center, Universitas Gadjah Mada. He can be reached through e-mail at tunggulwicaksono@ugm.ac.id.

ASEAN Studies Center – Japan Foundation Essay Competition

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Background

The Indo-Pacific region faces a complex and evolving landscape of strategic, economic, and security challenges. While Japan and ASEAN have maintained a longstanding partnership characterized by cooperation in areas such as trade, infrastructure development, security, and cultural exchange, the current geopolitical climate necessitates a renewed focus on collaborative efforts. This need is amplified by emerging regional dynamics, including geopolitical tensions and economic shifts, requiring innovative and adaptable policies to ensure stability and prosperity. These evolving dynamics demand fresh perspectives on how Japan and ASEAN can jointly navigate these challenges and maintain a stable and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

The existing partnership between Japan and ASEAN provides a strong foundation for enhanced collaboration. However, the dynamic nature of the Indo-Pacific necessitates a modernization of these cooperative efforts. The region requires innovative and adaptable policies to address its multifaceted challenges, ranging from traditional security concerns to non-traditional threats like climate change and pandemics. Furthermore, fostering deeper understanding and dialogue among future leaders is crucial for ensuring the long-term success of Japan-ASEAN cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. The need for creative policy recommendations and strategic insights that can influence diplomatic and economic strategies in the region is more critical than ever.

This essay competition directly addresses these needs by providing a platform for students, young professionals, and scholars to engage in high-level discussions on international relations and geopolitics within the Indo-Pacific context. By encouraging participants to offer actionable solutions and fresh perspectives, the project fosters a forward-looking approach to addressing regional issues. This initiative serves as a catalyst for promoting collaborative dialogue between Japan and ASEAN, encouraging participants to analyze the importance of this partnership in achieving shared goals like peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region. This competition aims to empower the next generation of leaders by giving them a platform to contribute their thoughts and solutions to real-world challenges.

Key Topics

  1. Strategic Security and Maritime Cooperation: How Japan and ASEAN can cooperate to ensure peace, stability, and security in the Indo-Pacific, particularly concerning maritime disputes, freedom of navigation, and regional defense cooperation.
  2. Economic Partnership and Development: Exploring ways Japan and ASEAN can strengthen economic ties through trade, investment, and infrastructure projects, especially under the framework of Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy (FOIP).
  3. Environmental and Sustainable Development: Investigating joint initiatives to address environmental challenges such as climate change, disaster preparedness, and resource management in the Indo-Pacific region.
  4. Cultural Exchange and People-to-People Connectivity: Assessing how collaboration in education, tourism, and cultural diplomacy can foster stronger ties between ASEAN countries and Japan.

General Terms and Conditions

  1. The participant is an active university student from Japan, and all ASEAN member states. A student identification card or other supporting document is needed to prove active status. 
  2. Participants can be an individual or a group consisting of a maximum of 3 persons. 
  3. Participants are encouraged and expected to read the entirety of the guidelines provided in the ASC website.

List of Research and Development Funds:

  1. Impact Grant (1st Place): IDR 3,000,000
  2. Innovation Grant (2nd Place): IDR 2,000,000
  3. Seed Grant (3rd Place): IDR 1,000,000

The awarded Research and Development Funds, in the form of grants, can be used to support the author/team’s continued research, development, and implementation of their innovative solution.

Essay Guidelines

  1. The essay must be original work and has not been published in other publication platforms.
  2. The essay must align with the key topics listed above.
  3. The essay must be written in American English.
  4. Font: Cambria, font size: 12, line spacing: 1.15, spacing before: 0 pt, spacing after: 12 pt.
  5. Full essay length: 1,500 – 2,000 words. Excluding footnotes and references.
  6. The author notes that the essay can not be withdrawn at any condition once it is accepted by the committee.
  7. Essays must follow a formal academic format, including an introduction, main body, and conclusion, with proper citations and references for all sources.
  8. The essay will be curated and published by the ASEAN Studies Center for academic purposes.

Submission and Competition Technicalities 

  1. Submission is to be submitted through ugm.id/ASCECJF25
  • File naming should be Last name_Essay [E.g. Saputra_Essay (individual) or Saputra, Firhansyah & Ashari_Essay (groups).
  • The submitted essay should be in PDF format.
  • The latest submission to be made is by Sunday, the 19th of January 2025. 
  • One representative is sufficient for group submission to submit the essay.
  1. Three of the best essays will be selected to continue to the next stage. This will be announced on the 5th of March 2025.
  2. The top three winners will be announced on the 5th of March 2025.
  3. The winners are asked to present their essays during the seminar and awarding ceremony. 

Submit Your Essay here: ugm.id/ASCECJF25

Timeline

Contact Person

Mr. Tunggul Wicaksono

Research Manager, ASEAN Studies Center Universitas Gadjah Mada

tunggulwicaksono@ugm.ac.id

“Mapping the Critical Role of ACWC, CSOs, and Academia” and “ASEAN Post-2025 Vision Consultation”

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A seminar titled “Mapping the Critical Role of ACWC, CSOs, and Academia” was held on November 1, 2024, at The Manohara Hotel Yogyakarta, Indonesia. This landmark event provided a significant platform for dialogue on collaborative strategies to advance the protection of women and children in Southeast Asia. Organized with the generous support of the Netherlands Embassy, the seminar brought together a wide-ranging audience that included policymakers, academics, civil society representatives, and inspiring young changemakers.

The event opened with a series of keynote speeches that established the thematic focus for the day. Karen Hordijk, Senior Policy Advisor for ASEAN from the Netherlands Embassy in Jakarta, set an inspiring tone with a thought-provoking address. She emphasized the pivotal role of youth in shaping inclusive and resilient policies. Her speech underscored the importance of leveraging intergenerational perspectives to address complex societal challenges. This was followed by a recorded message from Dr. Wawan Mas’udi, M.P.A., the Dean of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences at Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM). Dr. Wawan stressed the importance of adaptive policy frameworks, particularly in crisis situations, which require innovative approaches and collaborative partnerships.

The seminar featured a diverse lineup of esteemed speakers, each offering invaluable perspectives on critical issues related to the welfare and rights of women and children. H.E. Soukphaphone Phanit, the Chair of the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children (ACWC), delivered a compelling presentation on women’s leadership in navigating crises. Her insights highlighted the necessity of empowering women to take active roles in decision-making processes, especially during periods of social and political instability.

Following this, Dr. Okky Puspa Madasari, the Founder of OMGGroup, illuminated the power of storytelling in advocacy efforts. She demonstrated how personal narratives can drive societal change and inspire collective action. H.E. Yanti Kusmawardhani, Indonesia’s Representative for ACWC, presented practical measures to enhance the safeguarding of children, particularly in vulnerable situations. Her session emphasized the urgent need for comprehensive policies and robust enforcement mechanisms.

Adding to these rich discussions, Ni Luh Putu Maitra Agastya, Director of PUSKAPA (Center on Child Protection and Wellbeing), shared innovative strategies for improving child welfare through institutional capacity-building and community engagement. Meanwhile, Agustina Kustulasari, S.Pd., M.A., a Lecturer and Researcher, highlighted the indispensable role of academia in advancing rights protection. She pointed to the need for interdisciplinary research and evidence-based policy recommendations to inform decision-making processes.

The sessions were expertly moderated by Yulida Nuraini Santoso, Managing Director of the ASEAN Study Center (ASC) at UGM, who ensured an engaging flow of discussions. The day concluded with a lively Q&A segment, where participants had the opportunity to pose questions to the panelists, exchange ideas, and delve deeper into the topics presented. This interactive session enriched the dialogue and fostered a shared commitment to action.

The final session of the day, titled “ASEAN Post-2025 Vision Consultation,” served as a forward-looking platform to shape the region’s strategic priorities for the future. The consultation was facilitated by notable experts, including H.E. Yanti Kusmawardhani, Indiah Wahyu Andari (Director of Rifka Annisa), Dr. Arifah Rahmawati (member of ASEAN Women for Peace Registry), and Dio Herdiawan Tobing (from the World Benchmarking Alliance). Together, they guided participants in exploring ways to integrate diverse stakeholder voices into policymaking processes. Discussions emphasized the importance of inclusivity, sustainability, and innovation in addressing the region’s evolving challenges.

Overall, the seminar succeeded in fostering meaningful dialogue, encouraging cross-sector collaboration, and inspiring actionable solutions. It reaffirmed the importance of collective effort in advancing the rights and well-being of women and children while laying the groundwork for a stronger, more inclusive ASEAN.

Policy Brief Competition

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Top 3 Policy Briefs

  1. First Place – “Collaborating Youth Power for Child and Women Protection from Online Gambling Risks in ASEAN Countries”, by Muh. Rifki Ramadhan, Bagas Febi Cahyono, and Muhammad Rifki Nur Aprialdi.
  2. Second Place – “Towards a Resilient Marawi: Policy Recommendations for Inclusive Recovery and Sustainable Development Post the 2017 Marawi Crisis”, by Christopher Paller Gerale.
  3. Third Place – “Empowering ASEAN Youth Through Ministri(es) Initiatives Amid Myanmar’s Crisis: A Path to Humanitarian and Policy Engagement”, by Muwalliha Syahdani, Herbagus Unggul, and Thant Thura Zan.

 

 

 

 

Top 10 Selected Policy Briefs

The wait is over; congratulations to the top 10 selected policy briefs. Meanwhile, the top three winners will be announced in due course. And to all participants who have submitted policy briefs and ideas, thank you for your enthusiasm.

Stay tuned on ASC social media for more information. #BringingASEANCloserToYou

 

 

 

 

 

 

Background

Despite progress made in recent years, women and children continue to face various forms of discrimination, violence, and inequalities across ASEAN member states. The current state of the world has become less safe and increasingly dangerous. Developments in Ukraine, the Palestinians, and within ASEAN member states itself, such as in Myanmar, tell us that the prolonged conflicts, wars, and violence have directly affected women and children as the most fragile members of the community. Promoting safe and empowered women and children is multifaceted and presses on the world’s growing concern, not excluding ASEAN. At its core, the issue stems from systemic gender disparities and vulnerabilities that persist in ASEAN countries, including limited access to education, healthcare, economic opportunities, and legal protections. Women and children often bear the brunt of poverty, lack of resources, and cultural norms that perpetuate gender-based violence and discrimination. Hence, when conflict and natural disasters are added into the equation, it poses greater challenges to their safety and well-being, including child trafficking and displacement of women and children from their families.

In shaping the future of ASEAN beyond 2025, the ACWC has a crucial role to be at the forefront in driving closer regional cooperation among relevant ASEAN Sectoral Bodies in promoting and protecting the rights of women and children, especially the disadvantaged, those living in vulnerable situations as well as, using rights and gender perspectives. Some notable developments have been made. The ACWC will institutionalize gender mainstreaming efforts across the ASEAN Community pillars through the ASEAN Gender Mainstreaming Steering Committee (AGMSC), together with the ASEAN Committee on Women (ACW). They reaffirmed their commitment to utilize a whole-of-ASEAN approach in implementing the ASEAN Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Framework (AGMSF). They further supported Indonesia on the roll-out of the ASEAN Do-No-Harm Guide for Frontline Responders: Safeguarding the Rights of Victims of Trafficking in Persons – launched on 11 January 2023 with support from the ASEAN-ACT.

The ACWC has also committed to continue to implement the ASEAN Regional Plan of Action on Women, Peace and Security (ASEAN RPA on WPS) with stronger advocacy and capacity-building efforts, especially in the security sector as well as ASEAN Regional Plan of Action on Ending Violence against Women (ASEAN RPA on EVAW). However, there remains a looming gap between the progressive realm of policy-making at a regional level and its implementation at home. CSOs play a crucial role in advocating for the rights of women and children, providing essential services, and holding governments accountable for their commitments. Similarly, academia contributes through research, analysis, and evidence-based recommendations to inform policy development and program interventions. However, a tri-party collaboration remains seldom despite it being much needed. This seminar is held to map the many ways that ACWC, CSOs, and academia can become the strong arm for the promotion and protection of women and children in ASEAN as well as internationally.

Guiding Questions

  1. What are the effective strategies for raising community awareness regarding the importance of safeguarding the rights and well-being of women and children?
  2. What steps can be taken by the youths to empower and promote the protection of women and children in ASEAN in times of crisis?

General Terms and Conditions

  1. The participant is an active university student. A student identification card or other supporting document is needed to prove active status. 
  2. Participants can be an individual or a group consisting of a maximum of 3 persons. 
  3.  Participants are encouraged and expected to read the entirety of the guidelines provided in ASC website.

List of Prizes:

  1. Grand Prize (1st Place) IDR 3,000,000
  2. Excellence Prize (2nd Place) IDR 2,000,000
  3. Merit Prize (3rd Place) IDR 1,000,000
  4. E-Certificate for Top 10 Selected

Policy Brief Guidelines

  1. The policy brief must be original work and has not been published in the other publication platforms.
  2. The policy brief must capture the role of youth in promoting and protecting the rights of women and children in ASEAN issues. You may use the theory, framework, and approach that you have learned.
  3. Use American English for your writing.
  4. Font: Times New Roman, font size: 12, line spacing: 1.25, spacing before: 0 pt, spacing after: 12 pt.
  5. Full policy brief length: 1,200 – 1,500 words. Excluding footnotes and references.
  6. The author notes that the policy brief can not be withdrawn at any condition once it is accepted by the committee.
  7. The policy brief must follow these structures to ensure clarity and effectiveness in communicating key points:
  • Title
    A clear and concise title that reflects the topic of the brief. Write your name below the title.
  • Executive Summary
    A brief overview of the policy issue, the key findings, and the main recommendations. It should provide a snapshot of the entire brief.
  • Introduction
    Explain its significance and relevance. Provide the necessary background information to help the reader understand the issue better. This section should include relevant statistics, historical context, and policy history.
  • Problem Statement
    Clearly articulate the problem or issue that the policy brief is addressing. This should be specific, concise, and backed up by evidence.
  • Policy Analysis
    This section explains the reasoning behind your policy recommendations. In effect, this section describes the problem that your policy recommendations intend to solve. It should include an analysis of current policies related to the issue, their strengths, weaknesses, and any gaps or areas that require improvement.
  • Policy Recommendation
    Present your proposed solutions or recommendations. These should be clear, specific, and actionable. Explain how these recommendations address the identified problem and why they are the best course of action. It’s essential to provide evidence and examples to support your recommendations.
  • Conclusion
    This final section of the policy brief should detail the actions recommended by your findings. Summarize the key points of the policy brief, emphasizing the importance of the recommendations and their potential impact on the issue.
  • References
    Include a list of all the sources and references used in the brief. Follow a consistent APA citation style.

      8. Incorporate visuals into the policy brief. Choose effective visuals for the type of information you would like to communicate. For example, pie charts and bar graphs are preferable to data tables to illustrate findings. Include captions for photos and other visuals that explain the content to the reader.

      9. The policy brief will be curated and published by the ASEAN Studies Center for academic purposes.

 

Submission and Competition Technicalities 

Submission is to be submitted through ugm.id/ASCPBC24

  • File naming should be Last name_Policy Brief [E.g. Saputra_Policy Brief (individual) or Saputra, Firhansyah & Ashari_Policy Brief (groups).
  • The submitted policy brief should be in PDF format.
  • The latest submission to be made is by Sunday, the 15th of September. 
  • One representative is sufficient for group submission to submit the final policy brief.

2. Ten of the best policy briefs will be selected to continue to the next stage. This will be announced 8th of October.

3. The top three winners will be announced on the 19th of October 2024

4. The winners are asked to make a 10 minutes video presenting their policy brief. 

 

Submit Your Policy Brief here: ugm.id/ASCPBC24

 

Timeline

 

Contact Person

Mr. Tunggul Wicaksono

Research Manager, ASEAN Studies Center Universitas Gadjah Mada

tunggulwicaksono@ugm.ac.id

Public Lecture on “Navigating Contemporary Challenges: Indonesian Diplomacy in a Chanching Global Changes”

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On September 12, 2024, the ASEAN Studies Center of Universitas Gadjah Mada and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia held a public lecture entitled “Navigating Contemporary Challenges: Indonesian Diplomacy in a Changing Global Landscape,”  with speaker Vahd Nabyl A. Mulachela, S.IP., MA, Director of the Center for Policy Strategy for the Asia Pacific and Africa Region. In his presentation, Vahd Nabyl discussed various global challenges and trends that affect Indonesia’s diplomacy today, as well as how the country can play a role in navigating the ever-changing dynamics of global geopolitics.

Global Challenges and Diplomacy Priorities

The speaker explained various global megatrends, including the rivalry between the United States and China, the rise of populism, and threats to stability in regions such as the Taiwan Strait and the Korean Peninsula. He also discussed other issues such as human trafficking, illegal fishing, and the role of US military bases in the region. Other global challenges to be faced in 2024 include environmental risks, artificial intelligence (AI), and political polarization in society.

Vahd Nabyl emphasized that Indonesia’s foreign policy priorities (POLUGRI) include strengthening economic diplomacy, protecting Indonesian citizens, and increasing Indonesia’s role in the region and the world through international forums such as the G20 and ASEAN leadership. In addition, the speaker also highlighted the importance of strengthening Indonesia’s diplomatic infrastructure through representative offices abroad.

Roles and Challenges of Indonesian Diplomacy

According to Vahd Nabyl, Indonesian diplomacy functions in four main roles: representing, protecting, negotiating, and promoting national interests. In addition, diplomacy also has a non-formal role, namely as a bearer of a positive image, a mediator of conflict, and a problem solver. The challenges faced by diplomats include assignments in countries in conflict, culture shock, and financial and family problems.

To be able to survive in dynamic diplomatic tasks, Vahd Nabyl emphasized the importance of idealism, broad thinking, a spirit of learning, and a love for the work being carried out. Indonesian diplomacy has also played a role in strengthening economic and political cooperation in the region, such as through the Indonesia-South Korea economic cooperation forum that discussed the creative economy and public diplomacy.

Human Rights Issues and the ASEAN Non-Interference Principle

In a question and answer session, Vahd Nabyl responded to the issue of human rights (HAM) in ASEAN, especially related to Myanmar. He explained that although ASEAN applies the principle of non-interference, member countries have put diplomatic pressure on Myanmar. ASEAN, he said, is trying to maintain a balance between intervention in the domestic affairs of member countries and maintaining togetherness as a community.

Indonesia’s Optimism in the Asia-Pacific

Closing the public lecture, Vahd Nabyl spoke about the prospects for Indonesian diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific region in the next 10 years. He is optimistic that Indonesia can play a role as a facilitator amidst the rivalry of major powers in the region, especially through the ASEAN Road to Indo-Pacific vision, which focuses on the inclusive involvement of regional countries.

This public lecture is a reminder of the importance of adaptive diplomacy amidst the ever-changing global dynamics.

ASEAN Studies Center welcomed a visitation from Prof. Kimikazu Shigemasa from Kwansei Gakuin University, Japan

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ASEAN Studies Center welcomed a visitation from Prof. Kimikazu Shigemasa from Kwansei Gakuin University, Japan on 11-12 September 2024. The discussions during the visit revolved around significant topics, including developments in the South China Sea, relations between Japan and Indonesia, ASEAN dynamics, and opportunities for collaboration between the two universities.

On the second day, Professor Shigemasa introduced a group of students accompanying him to participate in interactive sessions within the “Security Cooperation in ASEAN” and “Kerjasama Keamanan di ASEAN” classes. These sessions, lasting three hours, were held in the Faculty Auditorium and structured into three segments. Professor Shigemasa initiated the program with a presentation on Indo-Pacific developments, emphasizing the situation in the South China Sea. This was followed by a presentation from the Kwansei Gakuin University students, titled “Building Our Heart-to-Heart Society Beyond Generations,” focusing on themes such as fostering a caring global society, empowering youth, and enhancing connectivity.

The student presentation was a preparatory exercise for the “ASEAN Pavilion Osaka 2025 EXPO,” scheduled to take place at the ASEAN Secretariat later that week. After this, the program shifted to a discussion on ASEAN and Myanmar’s multiple crises. Students were divided into five groups, each representing key actors relevant to the Myanmar situation: (1) The Tatmadaw, (2) the 5-Point Consensus (5PC) key members (Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore), (3) Mekong member states, particularly Thailand, (4) Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), and (5) the National League for Democracy (NLD).

Following a short break, the discussions resumed with a focus on “Issues in the South China Sea,” exploring perspectives from major Indo-Pacific stakeholders, including (1) claimant states such as the Philippines and Vietnam, (2) China, (3) the United States, and (4) Indonesia. The dialogue delved into Indonesia’s strategic options in regional security: asserting leadership within ASEAN, advancing its claims in the Natuna Islands, or adopting a neutral stance. The discussions were dynamic and insightful, with students engaging enthusiastically in addressing these critical issues.

Partnership Policy Review Kick Off – “Strengthening the ASEAN Charter: Review of Regional Mechanisms and Policy Recommendations”

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In the last few decades, ASEAN has experienced a shift from a state-oriented policy to a people-oriented one. This has become momentum for strengthening the economic, political-security, and socio-cultural pillars. To generate a broader measure of this issue, the ASEAN Studies Center and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia are hosting a Partnership Policy Review Kick-Off on “Strengthening the ASEAN Charter: Review of Regional Mechanisms and Policy Recommendations”

“The world is much different than what it was. and when the organization established its charter in 2007, and the situation at that time was also different than what it was meant when ASEAN was first created,” said Vahd Nabyl A. Mulachela, Director of the Center for Policy Strategy for the Asia Pacific and Africa Region. ASEAN is one of the three main focuses in the policy agenda launched by the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs this year.

The existence of pressing issues such as the Myanmar conflict, global power rivalry and its economic-political implications, and the development of multilateralism among dialogue partners then became the background for the urgency of reviewing the ASEAN Charter.

H.E. Ambassador Chilman Arisman, a diplomat from the ASEAN General Directorate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, explained that the relevance of the ASEAN Charter is currently facing challenges after being formed many years ago. “The ASEAN Charter aims for the organization to have a definite legal basis, clear rules, and an effective organizational structure. Meanwhile, currently, we see challenges faced due to changes in the political and economic conditions of ASEAN countries,” he said.

On the way forward, H.E. Ambassador Chilman Arisman said there are at least four things that ASEAN has to do: first, the ASEAN charter needs more strengthening in institutional frameworks and mechanisms in regards to political commitment and recontextualization; second, new approaches to the reform decision-making process; third, enhance collaboration with various stakeholders; and last, push member states political will to implement the reformations.

“Indonesia, during its tenure as ASEAN Chair in 2023, has tried to rebuild trust among countries and restore joint commitment through the 43rd ASEAN Summit in Bali. We need to recontextualize based on the changes in political dynamics that exist,” Chilman explained.
Agreeing with Chilman’s opinion, Dr. Lina Alexandra, a representative of CSIS, emphasized the importance of the sustainability of the ASEAN organization. “Our mission is to maintain and keep ASEAN alive and growing. Then what is more important is to make ASEAN relevant and credible as a regional organization,” she said. Lina divided the challenges of the ASEAN Charter into two problems, namely internal, regional, and external. She said the Myanmar conflict is only one of the problems that the current ASEAN Charter cannot solve.

The current ASEAN Charter is 17 years old and has not been reviewed at all. In fact, ideally, an agreement is legally reviewed every five years, meaning that the ASEAN Charter should have been reviewed three times since it was first agreed upon. This problem is not the responsibility of just a few countries, but all ASEAN member countries. “The ASEAN Charter is not a document that is just placed in a cupboard but is a guide that determines the direction of policy. Also as a joint commitment in facing global challenges,” said Dr. Lina.

The Executive Director of the ASEAN Studies Center, Dr. Dafri Agussalim, highlighted the leadership crisis in ASEAN. According to him, ASEAN needs a strong and visionary leader to overcome this problem. “ASEAN has so far relied on informal management in solving problems. However, strong leadership and good mechanisms are the keys for ASEAN to overcome future challenges,” said Dr. Dafri.

The discussion on the review of the ASEAN Charter by the Center and the Minister is expected to be the first step for ASEAN member countries to review the agreement. In addition, strengthening this commitment can help realize peace, justice, and strong institutions, which are some of the points of the 16th Sustainable Development Goal, and reflect and strengthen its commitment to facing regional and global challenges.

 

ASEAN Spice: The Connecting Culture of Southeast Asians

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Background

Gastro-diplomacy, or culinary diplomacy, is a fascinating approach to international relations that leverages food to foster cultural exchange and build relationships between nations. In the context of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries, the region consists of an abundance of spices and flavors that have not only shaped its cuisine but also played a significant role in its history and global trade. Due to similar weather patterns and geographical conditions, the region shares similar yet unique vegetation and spices that connect the neighboring countries and enhance existing diplomatic ties.

In the same context, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology of the Republic of Indonesia, in coordination with the ASEAN Studies Center (ASC), UGM, organized a day-long seminar on the topic “ASEAN Spice: The Connecting Culture of Southeast Asians” on the 28th of May 2024. The main objective of the seminar was to start a discourse on the spice trade and its cultural and culinary reclamation coupled with heritage preservation; this was held with the experts from each member country to share their own unique history. 

 

Program Proceeding

The ASEAN Spice seminar began with singing the Indonesian national song and the ASEAN anthem. Then continued with the Gambyong Pareanom dance from the Surakarta Style Javanese Arts Unit (UKJGS). Ms. Marsha Phoebe, the MC for the seminar, then initiated the event by welcoming all the esteemed representatives from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology, representative from ASEAN headquarters, Directorate of ASEAN socio-cultural cooperation in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, representative of SPICE Cosmopolis UGM, and the delegates from the ASEAN member states, academicians and the participants. She highlighted the importance of the Southeast Asia’s shared living heritage and not limiting it to mere objects of trade that attracted the colonizers to exploit the region for centuries but regarding it as a testament of resilience over the years.

The representative from the ministry, Ms. Dharmawati, went on to share the importance of exchanging the culture and identity in ASEAN and further studying its potential. The wellness industry, as per the Global Wellness Institute in 2022, had an output of about 5.6 trillion USD in the global economy, out of which 200 billion USD was from the ASEAN nations. 

Moving on, a keynote discussion was moderated by Ms. Yulida Nuraini Santoso, Managing Director of ASEAN SC and Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, UGM, where the keynote speakers were Dr. Sri Margana; Historian, Senior Lecturer, Department of History, UGM and Dr. Dafri Agussalim; ED of ASEAN SC, Professor at Department of International Relations, FISIPOL, UGM. The discussion went ahead with the historical aspect of spice in Indonesia and how it has been able to foster cultural and economic knowledge, customs, and traditions. Historically, the spice was traded by the Arabs from India, Ceylon, and Nusantara. They enjoyed the spice trade monopoly until the colonizers from Portugal, Britain, and the Netherlands arrived. Similarly, when we analyze the spice trade, Indonesia has always been at the center of it as most of the plants were native to Indonesia. Along with the trading, the traders brought about their cultural and religious practices, such as Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and Confucianism, to Indonesia, which has now become embedded as a part of the Indonesian identity. The efforts made by the UGM Spice Cosmopolis were shared, where they hold the notion that the contribution of Nusantara spices is not merely for trading routes but also as a form of creativity and the formation of spice culture. Thus, it is high time to revitalize and reclaim the cultural identity linked with spices.

Dr. Dafri Agussalim stressed the importance of gastro-diplomacy and its role in international relations in fostering mutual understanding and cooperation, strengthening economies and cultural identities. There is a need to continue the resilience that our ancestors showcased throughout colonial history to the current era while preserving the knowledge of spices. Spice has been a connecting factor in early times, and it can continue to become one with the efforts of the ASEAN nations if it is taken not just as mere flavor enhancers but for its medicinal values, preservatives, and aphrodisiacs.

Post the keynote discussion, a short question and answer session was held where the participants posed queries such as the methods of decolonizing the narratives surrounding the spices, for which the answer was to start with the usage of transformative terms like “Spice Culture” and moving away from the limiting terms such as “Spice Routes”. While commodification does bring monetary benefits to countries, there is a need to put efforts into the preservation of the unique ASEAN heritage. Hence, changing the commonly used terms like “Spice Route” is the start of decolonization, and copying the terms like “Silk Road” needs to stop. Furthermore, the movement of people across the region has enhanced the culture even more than before, so there is a need to differentiate between migration and trade. 

The seminar then continued with presentations from representatives from 10 ASEAN member countries. In the first country presentation session, representatives from Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao DPR, and Malaysia, respectively, presented their institutions and countries’s efforts to preserve and promote the spice culture. Brunei Darussalam conveyed their efforts to introduce the connection of spices with neighbouring nations through culinary diplomacy. For Cambodia, the spices they use are mostly inspired by Indian and Chinese cuisines and neighbouring Southeast Asian nations. In the third presentation, Indonesia said that apart from daily household use, the spices are mostly used for medicinal purposes. However, in order to use these mainstream medicinal herbs and spices, quality assurance, efficacy, and safety must be ensured. Meanwhile, representatives of Laos said that unique spices such as chilli and black ginger are the unique identity of Laos and need to be preserved. The fifth presentation, namely Malaysia, said that the role of the ministry in the preservation of tangible and intangible spice heritage has been significant. They have been actively promoting conservation, sustainable use, fair and equitable sharing of benefits, empowering the community, economic impacts, and innovation while utilising their spices.

Myanmar, as the first presentation at the second country presentation session, said that they were focused on income generation, the creation of job opportunities, the utilisation of spices, and exporting in large amounts to the neighbouring nations. In the second presentation, the Philippines, said that a tough task to preserve indigenous knowledge of spices and herbs, and it is the country’s responsibility. In the next presentation, Singapore talked about the usage of betel nuts and betel leaf culture. Although it is widely used in the Indian subcontinent, the practice originated in Indonesia. Meanwhile, Thailand shared about the rich history of how travellers and traders brought with them their knowledge about spices, and combining it with the local spices to make a unique cuisine is what has made Thai food one of the most popular foods. The last presentation, namely Vietnam, said that the spices used in the Vietnamese culinary culture are mostly Chinese, French, and Indian spices. However, they believe in the nominal usage of spices in their food and try to keep it balanced and maintain the nutritional value of the food.

After the presentations from the member nations, Moderator Mr. Tunggul Wicaksono, Research Manager of ASC gave the concluding key remarks. Where he stated that the ASEAN nations are harmonized by the spice, and the exchange of spice culture and knowledge will only strengthen diplomatic ties, economic bonds, and a sense of oneness among us. Likewise, there were queries regarding whether an agreement on the ASEAN level can materialize for the trading of spices and exchange of knowledge, to which everyone agreed that this discourse is a positive beginning and there will be more follow-up in the future. There were few recommendations as to community engagement indigenous knowledge preservation will reflect the common identity. Finally, it was also noted that there is a need for behavioral transformation from a competitive to a collaborative approach, which will benefit not only one nation but the whole of ASEAN. 

 

Conclusion

By embracing shared ASEAN culinary heritage and engaging in gastro-diplomacy initiatives, ASEAN nations can not only promote their unique cuisines but also strengthen cultural ties and foster greater understanding and cooperation on the international stage. This is an opportunity to showcase the richness and diversity of ASEAN’s culinary traditions while building bridges between nations in a collaborative manner. This will result in the promotion and preservation of the already appreciated Southeast Asian spice culture but in a unified manner in the global arena. 

Therefore, ASEAN member nations must put in efforts to restore and celebrate the spice culture. This will prove to be a stepping stone to decolonization and reclamation of ownership over our shared history, recognize the values of spice beyond being a mere commodity, and honor its role in creating a unique identity for ASEAN.