Digitalizing ASEAN (1): What It is and Why It is Important

July 18, 2017/in ASEAN Notes/by aseansc

In this first series of article, we introduce ASEAN Youth Initiative Empowerment Programme, a one-week program for ASEAN Youth organized by ASEAN Studies Center, Universitas Gadjah Mada. The theme of the program is “Digitalizing ASEAN”, which will be explained in this article and the following article.

ASEAN is now 50 years old. We are now witnessing the age of rapid technological development as well as greater connectivity in the region. We are also stepping forward into ASEAN Community, which has been implemented since 2015.The rapid development on regional economic cooperation under the so-called ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) demonstrates high commitment of ASEAN member countries to become not only the largest market, but also to establish a form of collective identity.

ASEAN has declared to be a “people-oriented” and “people-centered” organization in 2015. The consciousness of shared culture, geography, and history at the community level has bound the peoples together. the importance of ASEAN as a regional organization is now becoming a vehicle to create a more cohesive and united regional community.

The complexity in world politics necessitates ASEAN to embrace a form of ‘social integration’. The recent regional outlook from ASEAN Studies Center UGM has showed that the current trend in 2017 has showed a decline of regionalism, the rise of intra-regional problems related to economic growth, social cohesion, and some degree of political uncertainty.

ASEAN, therefore, needs to embrace a non-traditional form of integration. This is where the idea of digital integration comes to the fore. Digital integration does not only means greater connectivity among people across the region –it also calls the young people to embrace a sense of collectivity. Digital integration supports ASEAN to be a ‘people-oriented’ and ‘people-centered’

Against this backdrop, we call for the further steps towards ‘digitalising ASEAN community’. This notion constitutes the central theme of ASEAN Youth Initiative Empowerment Program, an annual event of ASEAN Studies Centre, Universitas Gadjah Mada that will be held in 23-29 July 2017.

Why digital integration?

Information and Communication Technology is the most important issue in the world politics in at least the last two decades. The invention of the worldwide web, the growing IT systems, and connectivity across the world, as well as rapid use of technology have largely contributed to the advancement of global society. It connects, along with a globally-connected IT systems, a quantum leap in people’s ability to communicate both one-to-one and one-to-many and also access to knowledge, are unlimited.

Klaus Schwab called this recent phenomenon as the fourth industrial revolution. It raises questions over how to deal with Big Data, not only in terms of ‘technological advancement’, but also in terms of the changing international order.

It also necessitates International Relations scholars to rethink the relationship between digital revolution, intergenerational changes, and the transformation of international order.

The concept of ‘digital revolution’, however, is not necessarily new in International Relations. Following rapid ICT development in some countries, several global governance institutions has brought about the issues of ICT governance as their main programme. The United Nations, for example, set up a task force on Information and Technology and several initiatives to address digital divide since 2000.

ASEAN is also adapting to this trend by establishing the ASEAN ICT Masterplan (AIM) in 2009. The first completion report was due in 2015 and was continued until 2025. It aims to bring ASEAN member states towards a ‘digital revolution’ by 2025 through many digital platforms and programs—the “smart city”, financial technology, as well as e-commerce.

Yet, we need more. With growing ‘digital integration’ in regional level, ASEAN still needs to deal with increasing development gap in the regionASEAN is also struggling to resolve the classic ‘digital divide’, as well as enhancing the participation of young people across the region.

ASEAN ICT Masterplan, so far, has only a little to offer to overcome these problemsm, given the limit of ASEAN integration.

But it does not mean ASEAN should abandon the ongoing ICT-related regional projects. With a large and youthful population increasingly equipped with smartphones, ASEAN has an opportunity to pioneer the development of new digital services, especially advanced mobile financial services and e-commerce. These sectors are likely to give rise to digital champions that will lead the way for the broader economy.

What ASEAN needs to do, nevertheless, is to integrating the ongoing digital integration in regional level with rising youth participation in the region. The future of ASEAN lies in the development of digital technology. It also necessitates ASEAN to embrace young people –those who are considered as ‘digital native’— to consider their special attention to the task of connecting community in ASEAN. Digitalizing ASEAN also can increasingly enable citizens to engage with governments as voice their opinions.

The advancement of technology should be a good platform for ASEAN to foster connectivity among people. This is also useful to embrace a culture of good “digital” citizenship, thus ensuring the realization of “people-oriented” and “people-centred” ASEAN.

Nevertheless, the rise of digital technology should also be followed by critical perspectives. Recent series of article by OpenDemocracy and Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute showed that the emergence of digital use in everyday economy (which is also renowned as ‘gig economy’) also creates many problems in workforce, labour-related issues, and broader socio-economic aspects in everyday life.

In Indonesia, for example, several start-up companies operating in transportation, such as Grab, Uber, or Gojek have clashed with ‘conventional’ ojek or Taxi drivers. Digital integration, therefore, does not entirely positive. Various social problems emerged from this development, which necessitates further analysis on how to resolve it. Addressing this issue requires creative and critical thinking from the young generation.

Here lies our challenge to talk about digital society in regional context. This is why we desperately need a more concrete action for “digitalizing ASEAN” in the future.

Ahmad Rizky Mardhatillah Umar is the Executive Secretary of ASEAN Studies Center

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RELIGION: BOON OR BANE FOR DEMOCRACY?December 20, 2023 - 12:32 am
In December 2022, the Indonesian government passed a law that penalizes sex outside marriage. This is only one of the many changes in the criminal code that observers warn of the increasing conservatism in the country.

Indonesia houses the largest Muslim population in the world and is also a republic whose democratic experiences and milestones have been widely studied by scholars within and beyond the region. This makes Indonesia a compelling case for reflection on the nexus and tensions between religion and democracy. Is religion compatible with democracy? What opportunities and challenges does the “Islamic Renaissance” entail in the country? Democracy on Religion

Liberal democracy espouses secularism, the separation of church and state, and freedom of religion. In an “ideal” democratic system, the state must not endorse nor support any specific religion while guaranteeing the free exercise of religion among citizens. This is essential in a democracy for many reasons. Religious freedom is a crucial civil right that enhances citizens’ individuality and relations with others. It stops one religion from dominating society, hence promoting diversity and co-existence. At the same time, it prevents policies from being framed according to religious beliefs, which may result in discrimination and repression of fundamental human rights.

Religion and its Tensions with Democracy: The Case of Indonesia

This is particularly important for Indonesia. While the country is predominantly Muslim, Indonesia also has many ethnolinguistic groups with different cultures and practices. It is a challenge in itself to build one nation with an immensely heterogeneous society. The diversity in the country resulted in years of ethnic conflict and violence. Even a religious minority, the Ahmadiyya, faces intimidation and oppression in the exercise of their faith. Indonesia’s dilemma points to the longstanding debate in human rights discourse and practice – are human rights universal, or are they relative to culture and local customs? While I am more inclined to support the former, it is important to be aware and carefully consider the context of a country when designing human rights advocacy and interventions.

However imperfect, the democratization process in Indonesia has assisted in facilitating efforts for reconciliation and balancing competing interests in the country. Recently, the President stunned the world when he acknowledged past grave human rights abuses in the country, including an anti-communist purge in the ’60s and the arrest of democracy activists during the Suharto presidency.

Indonesia sits in between secularism and theocracy. The country’s fundamental law espouses Pancasila, which is the foundational political theory of Indonesia. Through its five principles, Indonesian society believes in one God and aspires to create a just and civilized humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice for all. This tells us that, by principle, Indonesia gives importance to pluralism and citizenship. Scholars and practitioners of the law also adopt legal pluralism and believe that different legal systems are complementary rather than contradictory. For example, community practices and customs are considered along with national and local regulations in settling disputes and conflicts at the village level.

However, in recent years, Indonesia has seen the expanding role of Islam in the country’s social and political life. Aside from Islam being a “source of ethical and cultural guidance”, many Islamic organizations have secured formal power, which allows them to easily introduce measures within the state apparatus that cement their own interests. Hardliner Islamic groups have also proliferated, and fundamentalist thought and practices are becoming more and more widespread. Islamic identity politics have also been evident since Widodo coalesced with conservative Islamic factions and appointed Amin, an influential Islamic figure, as his vice president. The new penal code tends to be more religious than secular. This has implications for Indonesia’s supposed secularism and diversity. How can the Indonesian government best represent the interests and aspirations of all?

As Indonesia continues to modernize and extend its economic and political ascendancy in the region, rapid changes in its social relations and dynamics are also expected. This demands a more careful look at the kind of laws and “social controls” that the government enforces. Suppose conservative forces are forwarding laws in the name of protecting tradition and keeping Indonesian values in check. In that case, it should not be at the expense of fundamental civil and political liberties, nor should it be to repress vulnerable groups even further, such as women, LGBT+, and ethnic communities. Admittedly, this is easier said than done. Hence, political representation must reflect the diversity and vibrance of Indonesian society. If only one group dominates political and policy discourse, it ultimately jeopardizes the general will.

When religion becomes the yardstick for crafting rules and policies, it creates biases, whether intended or not. Propositions that are credible and necessary but “contradictory” to a certain religion may be rejected simply because they do not fit the personal convictions of decision-makers. Integrating religion into politics usually leads to oppressive and harmful policymaking. Religion is also a form of heuristics or cognitive shortcut that devalues deliberation and discussion. Instead of scrutinizing issues, people may resort to using their religion as the sole basis for their position on a particular matter. Democracies ought to be deliberative and pluralistic.

Human rights activists and organizations in Indonesia have sounded the alarm on many changes in the criminal code that could stifle individual freedoms and lead to setbacks in the country’s democratic progress. Aside from banning sex outside marriage, the government also reinstated laws that criminalize insulting the President and other state officials and institutions. They also increased the punishment for blasphemy. These laws can be disproportionately used against individuals and groups with legitimate criticisms and concerns about the government. It may also render already marginalized communities even more vulnerable. Religion, Populism, and Repression

This trend is not only unique to Indonesia. Much of the world has seen the rise of “nationalist” movements, often within the pretext of religion and safeguarding culture. India’s Modi has exhibited Hindu nationalist tendencies, which have meant greater intolerance against the Muslim minority in the country. Myanmar’s Tatmadaw has weaponized Buddhism to rally support from the public and account for its atrocities.

The use of religion to justify repressive and oppressive regimes is apparent. Religion is an effective tool to unify a group of people and subject them to a specific set of beliefs and values, which may be highly prejudiced and absurd. Religion acts as a moral compass that defines what is right and what is wrong. Because religion is subjective, it can easily be manipulated to serve political objectives. Populists and autocrats can bastardize religion to create a public enemy, instill an “us vs them” mentality, and sow further polarization.

Failed democracies thrive out of fear, whether it is real or manufactured. Religion can be a potent force to ingrain this fear. This hysteria against change and modernization is easy to whip up when people already have preexisting beliefs. It is not too difficult to segregate people and label them as the “other”. When this distinction is entrenched, it is convenient to normalize discrimination and violence.

It is said that Indonesia is a model for “Moderate Islam” when compared to the Middle East; the “Indonesian way” can complement Western values and democracy. It also has the potential to correct Islamophobia and promote Islam as a religion of peace. On the other hand, if Indonesia cannot find its balance and condone fundamentalist and hardliner Islamic groups to flourish, Indonesia will certainly regress in its hard-won democratic gains.

Religion has inherent contradictions with democracy. Subscribing to a religion and structuring a supposedly diverse society using its tenets is monopolistic and can bring about intolerance. It is paramount for democracies to ensure that civil, political, and socioeconomic rights are not deprived based on religion and other forms of cleavages. The access and exercise of power should be as widely distributed as possible. Public office should not be limited to certain political clans or religious organizations. For instance, at the village level, cultural and socioeconomic elites must share power and administration with vulnerable and historically marginalized groups. There are more reasons and illustrative cases, present and past, to posit that religion is more of a bane than a boon to democracy. At the moment in world history when (dis)information is fast and instant, we must maintain vigilance in dealing with autocratic agendas in the guise of “respecting” values and tradition. It is easier to believe and conform than to reflect and deliberate. But democracy dies when we rely on shortcuts to define what is good for us. Democracy dies, slowly and deliberately, when we allow a few to sabotage our freedoms and liberties to increase their own. Demagogues and despots are usually cunning and do things “in the name of God”.

REFERENCES

Evans, M. S. (2014). Religion and political decision making. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 53(1), 145–163. http://doi:10.1111/jssr.12088

Evans, T. (2012). Separation of Mosque and State in Indonesia. Policy, 27(4), 35–39.

Głodek, A., & Grzywacz, A. (2020). Indonesia – between religion and democracy, Warsaw: Boym Institute. Retrieved from https://instytutboyma.org/en/indonesia-between-religion-and-democracy

Jaffrey, S. (2020). Is Indonesia Becoming a Two-Tier Democracy?, Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Jamaluddin, M., Chen, H. & Watson, A. (2022). Indonesia bans sex outside marriage as parliament passes sweeping new criminal code, Jakarta: CNN.

Klinken, G. v. (2019). Living in a Sacred Cosmos: Indonesia and the Future of Islam. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 175(1), 81–135. http://doi:10.1111/jssr.12088

McWilliams, E. (2018). Democracy in Indonesia: A Progress Report, Washington D.C.: The Foreign Service Journal.

Nagda, A. (2020). The Diplomat. [Online] Available at: https://thediplomat.com/2020/03/the-islamization-of-indonesias-foreign-policy/

Omelicheva, M. & Ahmed, R. (2018). Religion and politics: examining the impact of faith on political participation. Religion, State, and Society, 46(1), 4–25.

The World Factbook. (2023). Indonesia, s.l.: Central Intelligence Agency.

Wieringa, S. E. (2006). Islamization in Indonesia: Women Activists’ Discourses. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 32 (1), 40–27.

Short Biography:

Kay Conales is a student of the Asia Pacific-Master of Arts in Human Rights and Democratization of the Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP) of Mahidol University (Thailand). She also studied in the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIPOL) of APMA’s partner-university Universitas Gadjah Mada (Indonesia). She can be reached through e-mail at ksconales@gmail.com.

Digitalizing ASEAN (1): What It is and Why It is Important

ASEAN STUDIES CENTER UGM

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