Webinar Center for Southeast Asian Studies | Economic Integration in ASEAN and East Asia: Trends and Prospects post Covid-19

September 24, 2021/0 Comments/in Events, Uncategorized/by syukron.subkhi

The international webinar titled “Economic Integration in ASEAN and East Asia: Trends and Prospects post Covid-19” commenced on Thursday, 23 September 2021, and was arranged by the Center for Southeast Asian Studies (CSEAS). The webinar invited six speakers from several backgrounds and expertise to discuss economic trends and prospects of economic integration in ASEAN and in East Asia. The webinar also covered the progress of Green Economy and Regional Digital Economic post-Covid-19. The webinar was opened by the opening remarks from Steve Chen (Taipei Economic and Trade Office) and moderated by Arisman from CSEAS. The ASEAN Studies Center was invited to join the discussion, represented by Tunggul Wicaksono (Research Manager, ASC UGM).

The first speaker, Dr Aladdin Rillo (Senior Economic Advisor, Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia), presented supply chain resilience to support the connectivity trade among states. The resilience itself is being emerged by the unique characteristics such as; mostly private sector endeavours, diverse production sources, and coordination of interested parties. The findings show that the pandemic so far did not disrupt the production flow in the East Asia region. Bigger private sector dynamism, in which companies in the region can perform well and achieve a positive outlook. Moreover, the utilization of digital technology is very helpful to mitigate the harmful impacts of the pandemic. There are ways forward to enhance and sustain the supply chain in the longer term; work together with the private sector to identify the origin of supply and alternative sources, scaling-up digital acceleration to strengthen the circularity of the supply chain, and build stronger supply networks to enhance the sustainability and efficiency in production.

The second speaker, Dr Amalia Adininggar Widyasanti (Deputy Minister for Economic Affairs, Ministry of National Development Planning/Bappenas, Republic of Indonesia), explained the recovery gap resulting from Covid-19 on global integration affecting global value chains in the region. Dr Amalia also mentioned the ASEAN’s role in supporting the trade flow. In this sense, the role of labor market policy is essential to be the key driver of technological progress and productivity growth. East Asia is one of the most significant import sources for ASEAN, and ASEAN itself is the top three exporters in Asia. There are opportunities to enhance the collaboration between two regions related to the manufacturing sector, labor-intensive industry, and technology.

The third speaker, Dr Jayant Menon (ISEAS Yusof Ishak Singapore), addressed the impact and adjustment of ASEAN’s economic impact and how to adjust to the new normal related to digital disruption and divergent demographics. The pandemic, in a way, reinforcing the trends that are undermining globalization in the form of nationalism sentiment and protectionism (sometimes referred to as rebalancing, reshoring, resilience). The geopolitical issues involved need to be addressed by the implementation of regional agreements such as AEC, RCEP, and CPTPP. The presentation concluded with the proposal to overcome the issues by starting planning to open borders, improving the digital economy that may increase inclusivity, and enhancing trade liberalization through the regional arrangement.

The fourth speaker, Prof Raldi Hendro Koestoer from Coordinating Ministry of Economic Affairs, Republic of Indonesia, presented circular economy in Indonesia. Online-based services are supporting the path to economic recovery in Indonesia. He concluded that the government must provide a secure guideline in financial regulation to support the strategic initiative.

The fifth speaker, Dr Roy Chun Lee (Associate Research Fellow, Director, The Economic Law Research Center, Taiwan), presented the topic of economic rivalry in the global supply chain and regional integration. The world in 2021 is challenged by multiple key dimensions of change, including the elevating relationship, reconfiguration of the supply chain, green security, and uncertainty of supply chain reform among the states. Moreover, deep integration issues include human capacity, STEM capacity, cross-border finance, and digital transformation.

The last speaker, Dr Cyn-Young Park (Director of Regional Cooperation and Integration Division Economic Research and Regional Cooperation Department, Asian Development Bank), presented Asia’s financial integration that is in the downturn during the pandemic even though over the past few decades, there has been a gradual increase in regional cooperation. Concerning trade, supply chain, and investment for post-Covid-19, there is momentum in implementing non-tariff measures while at the same time limiting the trade barriers. Another way is to embrace the evolution of digital trade, which is comprised of online support and e-commerce. Therefore, there is an urgency to enhance the affordability and access of ICT, improve logistics and delivery infrastructure, intensify the regional effort in regulation, broaden the e-payment availability, and institute legal and regulatory reforms.

To sum up the discussion, there is a possibility for ASEAN to address the issue of sustainability by ASEAN Economic Community framework. On a larger scale, Asia’s regional integration will continue to deepen with varying dimensions in the subregions. Even though Covid-19 threatens to reverse progress attained by open trade, investment, and mobility, digitalization can help recover and reconnect the cooperation among states.

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RELIGION: BOON OR BANE FOR DEMOCRACY?December 20, 2023 - 12:32 am
In December 2022, the Indonesian government passed a law that penalizes sex outside marriage. This is only one of the many changes in the criminal code that observers warn of the increasing conservatism in the country.

Indonesia houses the largest Muslim population in the world and is also a republic whose democratic experiences and milestones have been widely studied by scholars within and beyond the region. This makes Indonesia a compelling case for reflection on the nexus and tensions between religion and democracy. Is religion compatible with democracy? What opportunities and challenges does the “Islamic Renaissance” entail in the country? Democracy on Religion

Liberal democracy espouses secularism, the separation of church and state, and freedom of religion. In an “ideal” democratic system, the state must not endorse nor support any specific religion while guaranteeing the free exercise of religion among citizens. This is essential in a democracy for many reasons. Religious freedom is a crucial civil right that enhances citizens’ individuality and relations with others. It stops one religion from dominating society, hence promoting diversity and co-existence. At the same time, it prevents policies from being framed according to religious beliefs, which may result in discrimination and repression of fundamental human rights.

Religion and its Tensions with Democracy: The Case of Indonesia

This is particularly important for Indonesia. While the country is predominantly Muslim, Indonesia also has many ethnolinguistic groups with different cultures and practices. It is a challenge in itself to build one nation with an immensely heterogeneous society. The diversity in the country resulted in years of ethnic conflict and violence. Even a religious minority, the Ahmadiyya, faces intimidation and oppression in the exercise of their faith. Indonesia’s dilemma points to the longstanding debate in human rights discourse and practice – are human rights universal, or are they relative to culture and local customs? While I am more inclined to support the former, it is important to be aware and carefully consider the context of a country when designing human rights advocacy and interventions.

However imperfect, the democratization process in Indonesia has assisted in facilitating efforts for reconciliation and balancing competing interests in the country. Recently, the President stunned the world when he acknowledged past grave human rights abuses in the country, including an anti-communist purge in the ’60s and the arrest of democracy activists during the Suharto presidency.

Indonesia sits in between secularism and theocracy. The country’s fundamental law espouses Pancasila, which is the foundational political theory of Indonesia. Through its five principles, Indonesian society believes in one God and aspires to create a just and civilized humanity, unity, democracy, and social justice for all. This tells us that, by principle, Indonesia gives importance to pluralism and citizenship. Scholars and practitioners of the law also adopt legal pluralism and believe that different legal systems are complementary rather than contradictory. For example, community practices and customs are considered along with national and local regulations in settling disputes and conflicts at the village level.

However, in recent years, Indonesia has seen the expanding role of Islam in the country’s social and political life. Aside from Islam being a “source of ethical and cultural guidance”, many Islamic organizations have secured formal power, which allows them to easily introduce measures within the state apparatus that cement their own interests. Hardliner Islamic groups have also proliferated, and fundamentalist thought and practices are becoming more and more widespread. Islamic identity politics have also been evident since Widodo coalesced with conservative Islamic factions and appointed Amin, an influential Islamic figure, as his vice president. The new penal code tends to be more religious than secular. This has implications for Indonesia’s supposed secularism and diversity. How can the Indonesian government best represent the interests and aspirations of all?

As Indonesia continues to modernize and extend its economic and political ascendancy in the region, rapid changes in its social relations and dynamics are also expected. This demands a more careful look at the kind of laws and “social controls” that the government enforces. Suppose conservative forces are forwarding laws in the name of protecting tradition and keeping Indonesian values in check. In that case, it should not be at the expense of fundamental civil and political liberties, nor should it be to repress vulnerable groups even further, such as women, LGBT+, and ethnic communities. Admittedly, this is easier said than done. Hence, political representation must reflect the diversity and vibrance of Indonesian society. If only one group dominates political and policy discourse, it ultimately jeopardizes the general will.

When religion becomes the yardstick for crafting rules and policies, it creates biases, whether intended or not. Propositions that are credible and necessary but “contradictory” to a certain religion may be rejected simply because they do not fit the personal convictions of decision-makers. Integrating religion into politics usually leads to oppressive and harmful policymaking. Religion is also a form of heuristics or cognitive shortcut that devalues deliberation and discussion. Instead of scrutinizing issues, people may resort to using their religion as the sole basis for their position on a particular matter. Democracies ought to be deliberative and pluralistic.

Human rights activists and organizations in Indonesia have sounded the alarm on many changes in the criminal code that could stifle individual freedoms and lead to setbacks in the country’s democratic progress. Aside from banning sex outside marriage, the government also reinstated laws that criminalize insulting the President and other state officials and institutions. They also increased the punishment for blasphemy. These laws can be disproportionately used against individuals and groups with legitimate criticisms and concerns about the government. It may also render already marginalized communities even more vulnerable. Religion, Populism, and Repression

This trend is not only unique to Indonesia. Much of the world has seen the rise of “nationalist” movements, often within the pretext of religion and safeguarding culture. India’s Modi has exhibited Hindu nationalist tendencies, which have meant greater intolerance against the Muslim minority in the country. Myanmar’s Tatmadaw has weaponized Buddhism to rally support from the public and account for its atrocities.

The use of religion to justify repressive and oppressive regimes is apparent. Religion is an effective tool to unify a group of people and subject them to a specific set of beliefs and values, which may be highly prejudiced and absurd. Religion acts as a moral compass that defines what is right and what is wrong. Because religion is subjective, it can easily be manipulated to serve political objectives. Populists and autocrats can bastardize religion to create a public enemy, instill an “us vs them” mentality, and sow further polarization.

Failed democracies thrive out of fear, whether it is real or manufactured. Religion can be a potent force to ingrain this fear. This hysteria against change and modernization is easy to whip up when people already have preexisting beliefs. It is not too difficult to segregate people and label them as the “other”. When this distinction is entrenched, it is convenient to normalize discrimination and violence.

It is said that Indonesia is a model for “Moderate Islam” when compared to the Middle East; the “Indonesian way” can complement Western values and democracy. It also has the potential to correct Islamophobia and promote Islam as a religion of peace. On the other hand, if Indonesia cannot find its balance and condone fundamentalist and hardliner Islamic groups to flourish, Indonesia will certainly regress in its hard-won democratic gains.

Religion has inherent contradictions with democracy. Subscribing to a religion and structuring a supposedly diverse society using its tenets is monopolistic and can bring about intolerance. It is paramount for democracies to ensure that civil, political, and socioeconomic rights are not deprived based on religion and other forms of cleavages. The access and exercise of power should be as widely distributed as possible. Public office should not be limited to certain political clans or religious organizations. For instance, at the village level, cultural and socioeconomic elites must share power and administration with vulnerable and historically marginalized groups. There are more reasons and illustrative cases, present and past, to posit that religion is more of a bane than a boon to democracy. At the moment in world history when (dis)information is fast and instant, we must maintain vigilance in dealing with autocratic agendas in the guise of “respecting” values and tradition. It is easier to believe and conform than to reflect and deliberate. But democracy dies when we rely on shortcuts to define what is good for us. Democracy dies, slowly and deliberately, when we allow a few to sabotage our freedoms and liberties to increase their own. Demagogues and despots are usually cunning and do things “in the name of God”.

REFERENCES

Evans, M. S. (2014). Religion and political decision making. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 53(1), 145–163. http://doi:10.1111/jssr.12088

Evans, T. (2012). Separation of Mosque and State in Indonesia. Policy, 27(4), 35–39.

Głodek, A., & Grzywacz, A. (2020). Indonesia – between religion and democracy, Warsaw: Boym Institute. Retrieved from https://instytutboyma.org/en/indonesia-between-religion-and-democracy

Jaffrey, S. (2020). Is Indonesia Becoming a Two-Tier Democracy?, Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Jamaluddin, M., Chen, H. & Watson, A. (2022). Indonesia bans sex outside marriage as parliament passes sweeping new criminal code, Jakarta: CNN.

Klinken, G. v. (2019). Living in a Sacred Cosmos: Indonesia and the Future of Islam. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 175(1), 81–135. http://doi:10.1111/jssr.12088

McWilliams, E. (2018). Democracy in Indonesia: A Progress Report, Washington D.C.: The Foreign Service Journal.

Nagda, A. (2020). The Diplomat. [Online] Available at: https://thediplomat.com/2020/03/the-islamization-of-indonesias-foreign-policy/

Omelicheva, M. & Ahmed, R. (2018). Religion and politics: examining the impact of faith on political participation. Religion, State, and Society, 46(1), 4–25.

The World Factbook. (2023). Indonesia, s.l.: Central Intelligence Agency.

Wieringa, S. E. (2006). Islamization in Indonesia: Women Activists’ Discourses. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 32 (1), 40–27.

Short Biography:

Kay Conales is a student of the Asia Pacific-Master of Arts in Human Rights and Democratization of the Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP) of Mahidol University (Thailand). She also studied in the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIPOL) of APMA’s partner-university Universitas Gadjah Mada (Indonesia). She can be reached through e-mail at ksconales@gmail.com.

Webinar Center for Southeast Asian Studies | Economic Integration in ASEAN and East Asia: Trends and Prospects post Covid-19

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